Le Washington Post a dû ôter une petite phrase qui référait à la Ligue antidiffamation du B’nai B’rith (Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith) dans la seconde impression d’un long article sur Timothy McVeigh et l’attentat de Oklahoma City. L’item éliminé mentionnait fait que l’ADL a suivait de très près tous les faits et gestes de McVeigh et ce depuis près d’un an avant la tragédie. Le Washington Post a d’abord présenté l’ADL comme une source fiable concernant McVeigh, mais lorsque l’ADL a découvert qu’elle avait relâché un petit item d’information qui exposait leur relation de proximité avec McVeigh ou quelqu’un proche de McVeigh, l’ADL a tout de suite réparé l’erreur en contactant le journal pour demander la censure de la seconde version.
« De toute évidence, McVeigh était bien connu de l’ADL longtemps avant les attentats. Que savait l’ADL et depuis quand le savaient-ils? Était-ce l’ADL qui manipulait secrètement McVeigh, et si oui, pourquoi? » (…)
« Cable News Network a rapporté reported en juin 1995 que plus de deux ans avant les attentats, McVeigh était surveillé par des agents sous couverture à un spectacle de tir. Même les « médias de masse » rapportent que McVeigh était surveillé par les agences de renseignements. » (Anti-Defamation League Up To Old Tricks, Michael Collins Piper, 2001)
Key to truth about Oklahoma City Bombing may be enigmatic West German ImmigrantA federal undercover informant, Andreas Strassmeir, was operating alongside Timothy McVeigh for a long time prior to the Oklahoma bombing. That’s the big secret the major media and the government are keeping under wraps. Slowly but surely the truth is emerging.Exclusive to The SPOTLIGHT
By Michael Collins Piper
While the media devoted endless coverage to Timothy McVeigh’s execution, the media censored the fact that growing numbers of bombing survivors and families of victims doubt that McVeigh acted alone.
Those who doubt McVeigh and the FBI base their suspicions on solid evidence that continues to emerge-in particular, long-suppressed FBI documents just re cently uncovered.
Instead of reporting all of this, the media provided vast attention to advocates of the « lone bomber » theory-such as the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) of Morris Dees-allowing ADL and SPLC spokesmen to speculate about other potential terrorists who might bomb another building in the future. The ADL and the SPLC agree with McVeigh and the FBI that McVeigh was a « lone bomber. »
While the media shifts attention to the grief of those who suffered, the media ignores devastating evidence that federal undercover agents operated alongside McVeigh in the bombing, having had him under close surveillance for probably several years.
The SPOTLIGHT determined long ago that the key to uncovering the truth about the tragedy lay in unmasking the enigmatic German national Andreas Strassmeir. This, in fact, now seems to be a consensus among a diverse group of independent investigators including, among others:
- Ex-Oklahoma State Rep. Charles Key;
- Former London Telegraph correspondent Ambrose Evans-Pritchard;
- Journalist J.D. Cash;
- New American editor William Jasper;
- The late Glenn Wilburn and his wife Kathy (who lost two grandchildren in the bombing); and
- Ex-Marine Colonel Roger Charles (a former producer for ABC’s 20/20).
- In addition, McVeigh’s former attorney, Stephen Jones, as well as his most recent attorneys, Rob Nigh, Richard Burr, Nathan Chambers and Christopher Tritico, have charged that Strassmeir was a key player in the scenario.
Well-known media figures such as Robert Novak and Sam Francis also raised questions about Strassmeir.
The evidence indicates that Strassmeir, if not a participant in the bombing conspiracy, was certainly a longtime deep-cover informant for some federal agency, whether the FBI, the CIA or the BATF.
For its own part, The SPOTLIGHT has documented that the aforementioned ADL had early, inside knowledge of McVeigh’s activities, possibly provided by its contacts in one or more federal agencies, based on data probably provided by Strassmeir and his close associates.
That Strassmeir was an undercover in formant also suggests that his close friend and sponsor (and attorney) Kirk Lyons was aware of Strassmeir’s status and was, in fact, his « handler. »
Since, for the past eight years, Lyons has been engaged in intelligence agency-orchestrated efforts to destroy The SPOTLIGHT-predating public reports of his in volvement with Strassmeir-this adds further fuel to the belief that Lyons is a deep cover operative with a hidden agenda.
Lyons sounds like McVeigh prosecutor Beth Wilkinson claiming that allegations about Strassmeir are an « Elvis Presley » theory (referring to the claim that the singer is still alive).
Along with Lyons, the FBI, the ADL and Morris Dees, it has been elite media voices such as The New York Times, The Washington Post and Newsweek that have dismissed allegations regarding Strassmeir.
Yet, while the Strassmeir connection has been suppressed in the American me dia, foreign news sources have been more forthcoming.
The June 8 issue of The Times of Lon don featured a revealing story about Strassmeir, saying that he could be « the missing piece in the puzzle. » The authors clearly believe Strassmeir knows more than he is telling and that Strassmeir probably was an undercover intelligence operative.
The Times comments that « the syringe that executes McVeigh will also drain Strassmeir of significance; give him the status of a footnote »-in other words, eliminate forever the one confessed conspirator who could finger Strassmeir.
The London newspaper adds revelations pointing toward Strassmeir’s strange connections. For example, it turns out that Strassmeir can read Hebrew — Israel’s state language — as a consequence of having had an Israeli army girlfriend, « not exactly the typical choice of a neo-Nazi, » the Times adds knowingly.
In addition, the Times notes that when Strassmeir first arrived in this country that this so-called neo-Nazi extremist « found friends easily-retired Army officers, CIA veterans, history buffs-and became part of a network » which the Times said « is powerful in the U.S., a web of influence that stretches into the Pentagon and the federal agencies, in churches and boardrooms, on the oil rigs and building sites. »
Again, hardly the profile of your average grass-roots « extremist » but certainly the profile of an intelligence operative.
The Times concludes its remarkable re port saying that « we don’t believe Strassmeir is John Doe II »-few people do-but adds, « there is a feeling, though, that in the huge cast of characters, all the losers, and fanatics that make up the opera bouffe of the Oklahoma investigation, only Strassmeir has the brain to be the brains. »
Strassmeir claimed he is « really glad » that the missing FBI papers were uncovered, saying, « maybe they will show what garbage people have been talking about me. »
However, when McVeigh’s attorneys appealed to block McVeigh’s execution, they cited newly-released FBI documents which suggested that, in the attorneys’ words, « There was … evidence, withheld by the government, that another person could well have been the mastermind be hind the bombing. »
The attorneys specifically named Strassmeir and one of his friends, Dennis Ma hon of Oklahoma, as possible co-conspirators and charged that the FBI had engaged in a « scheme to suppress evidence » of their roles in the bombing.
While the names of Strassmeir and Lyons were revealed by the European-based Reuters News Agency on June 7, their names were totally suppressed by elite United States news sources despite a media frenzy over the midnight hour effort to block McVeigh’s execution.
The American press continued to hype Mc Veigh’s claim of having acted alone, censoring evidence that others were in volved.
Also telling is that McVeigh’s attorneys said information in the FBI documents « suggested that one of the other participants in the bombing was an informant for federal law enforcement officers. »
Not only do most investigators seem to have concluded Strassmeir (more so than Mahon) was the likely candidate but Mahon’s own statements suggest that Mahon-involved in the bombing or not-now believes Strassmeir was a government man all along.
Another strike against Strassmeir has also been leveled by an ex-Marine officer, Roger Charles, a former producer of ABC’s 20/20 who resigned in disgust when 20/20 canceled his scheduled report on Strassmeir some years ago. In the July 2001 issue of Soldier of Fortune, Charles says that there is « compelling evidence » that Strassmeir had « access to prior knowledge regarding the bombing. »
Noting that Strassmeir, in several interviews, while proclaiming his own in nocence of any involvement, had claimed knowledge (after the bombing) that 1) there were actually two yellow trucks connected to the bombing; and 2) that federal authorities had placed a tracking device on one of those yellow trucks approaching Oklahoma City on the day of the bombing.
Charles reports three different sets of witnesses told of seeing SWAT-dressed per sonnel with what were described as « hoops » near the Murrah building in the pre-dawn hours prior to the bombing, and on the interstate near Oklahoma City.
Noting that these so-called « hoops » are direction-finding devices used to triangulate the location from which an electronic emitter was active, Charles concludes authorities were tracking the bombers-having foreknowledge of their plans-and this was the activity seen by witnesses.
Charles avers that while the authorities were following a « decoy » truck, the truck used to deliver a bomb to the Murrah building made it to the site.
Charles points out that even The Denver Post conducted a six-month investigation of its own-never referred to in national news accounts-which concluded that not one, but two yellow trucks were involved in the bombing, and that the extra truck (that the government says never existed) « could hold the key to unlocking one of the most enduring mysteries of the case-how many people were involved in the bombing. »
Where, asks Charles, did Strassmeir get inside information about a vehicle-tracking device used by federal officials?
That the ADL and Morris Dees of the SPLC are adamant in discounting the involvement of purported « neo-Nazis » such as Strassmeir in the bombing raises the question as to why these professional « nazi-hunters » are determined to discount the Strassmeir connection.
The only logical explanation is that Strassmeir was not really a « neo-Nazi » but instead, a classic « snitch » reporting back to federal intelligence agencies allied with the ADL-or that Strassmeir was an ADL asset all along.
Copyright 2001 Liberty Lobby Inc. All rights reserved.
Anti-Defamation League Up To Old Tricks
The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) is up to its old tricks, blaming its enemies for its own crimes. It is clear that the ADL played a part in the OKC tragedy. This is why the ADL accuses this newspaper of exactly what it is guilty of in order to cover up
its own criminal guilt. Here’s an update on this amazing story
By Michael Collins Piper
On May 22, 1995, The SPOTLIGHT first published evidence that Oklahoma City bombing suspect Timothy McVeigh was in close, and probably sustained, long-time contact with an agent of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith who was operating in McVeigh’s immediate circle. This demonstrates that the ADL had McVeigh under surveillance for some time. How The SPOTLIGHT came to discover the ADL-McVeigh connection is an interesting story in itself.
On April 21, 1995, just two days after the bombing, The Washington Post reported, to the surprise of The SPOTLIGHT, that in the fall of 1993 – nearly two years before the bombing – McVeigh, purportedly using an assumed name, « T. Tuttle, » had taken out a classified advertisement in The SPOTLIGHT.
According to the Post, the source of this information was a press release from the ADL. The ADL claimed the advertisement promoted a « rocket launcher. » In reality, the so-called « rocket launcher » was a flare gun. The ad also offered a pepper spray key chain.
Needless to say The SPOTLIGHT was surprised to learn from the Post that McVeigh had advertised in this newspaper. When alerted to this allegation, The SPOTLIGHT’s advertising staff underwent a laborious and time-consuming effort to locate the advertisement and the paperwork relating to the purported transaction with « T. Tuttle. »
Somehow, the ADL had been able to dig up this obscure fact with little difficulty and The SPOTLIGHT assumed that the ADL’s well-heeled and highly sophisticated intelligence apparatus had all of The SPOTLIGHT’s ads on its computer database.
However, The SPOTLIGHT learned from a source with close ties to the ADL that the ADL had learned of McVeigh having advertised in The SPOTLIGHT from what The SPOTLIGHT’s source described as an « inside source » in McVeigh’s circle of acquaintances.
In other words, McVeigh was either associating so closely with an ADL operative that the ADL knew that he had advertised in The SPOTLIGHT using an alias, or McVeigh was associating with someone who was in turn providing information on McVeigh’s activities to someone working for the ADL.
Here we can report for the first time why The SPOTLIGHT can state, with certainty, that the ADL did not obtain the information about McVeigh’s advertisement simply by reviewing The SPOTLIGHT from week to week and why it had to have come from a source close to McVeigh.
Although McVeigh had contracted to run the same advertisement in several consecutive issues, the ad did not run the first week (Aug. 9, 1993) for which it was scheduled.
Yet, when the ADL released its « facts » about McVeigh’s ad, the ADL reported that the ad had first run in that issue. The ad did not run for the first time until one week later, in the Aug. 16, 1993 issue.
In other words, the ADL knew (through a source close to McVeigh) that the ad had been scheduled to run in the Aug. 9 issue. What the ADL did not realize when it issued its press release was that the ad, in fact, had not run as scheduled.
The ADL did not know about an in-house scheduling conflict at The SPOTLIGHT that had prevented the ad from appearing in the Aug. 9, 1993 issue, yet the ADL had mistakenly assumed that the advertisement had run on that date. Thus, the ADL slipped up and proved that it was privy (perhaps even in advance) to the fact that McVeigh intended to advertise in The SPOTLIGHT in the first place.
What is interesting is that in a later edition of that same issue of The Washington Post, the Post reprinted the same rather lengthy article in which the ADL’s reference to McVeigh’s advertising in The SPOTLIGHT appeared, but deleted the single reference to the ADL and McVeigh’s advertisement.
The ADL had clearly discovered its mistake by that point and arranged with the Post to have the evidence of its apparent foreknowledge of McVeigh’s activities deleted. From that point forward the ADL continued to make reference to McVeigh having advertised in The SPOTLIGHT, but it was cautious never to use the first date that it had initially claimed in its press release to The Washington Post.
Obviously, McVeigh was well known to the ADL prior to the bombing. So what did the ADL know and when did it know it? Was the ADL somehow manipulating McVeigh, and, if so, why?
Cable News Network reported in June 1995 that as long as two years before the bombing, McVeigh was under surveillance by undercover operatives at an Arizona gun show. So there is confirmation from the « mainstream media » that McVeigh was indeed being watched by spy agencies.
The Washington Post also reported on June 3, 1995 – buried deep in an otherwise innocuous story – that it was one of McVeigh’s associates who first tipped off the FBI that McVeigh might have been involved in the bombing.
This contradicts the official story that McVeigh’s arrest came about solely because a sharp-eyed local police officer spotted McVeigh’s resemblance to the sketch of the « John Doe No. 1 » bombing suspect that had been circulated.
Thus the question: Was the McVeigh associate who tipped off the FBI also the ADL informant who supplied the ADL with details of McVeigh’s advertising in The SPOTLIGHT?
The ADL has a long history of reporting its findings to government agencies such as the FBI and the BATF and the CIA, not to mention to Israel’s intelligence service, the Mossad. Is it also a stretch of the imagination to ask whether any of these agencies thus had advance « inside » knowledge of Mc Veigh’s activities and his intentions?
If McVeigh is indeed responsible for the Oklahoma City bombing, then it is the responsibility of the law enforcement agencies to come clean and investigate the ADL’s connection with McVeigh and those in his immediate circle of acquaintances. (For more on the strange characters with apparent intelligence connections who were operating in McVeigh’s circles, see the story on pages 6 and 7 of this issue of The SPOTLIGHT.)
It has been documented, time and again, that the ADL has, for years, deployed agents inside a wide variety of political organizations. For example, in the mid-1950s a maverick New York publisher, Lyle Stuart, exposed how the ADL was actually financing a rag-tag « neo-nazi » organization that had a peculiar habit of engaging in loud public demonstrations outside synagogues in the New York City area at precisely the same time the ADL was engaging in fund-raising efforts in the Jewish community to ‘fight the neo-Nazi threat. »
OKC BOMBING FALLOUT
Declassified FBI memo reveals twists in probe
Info to be used by Nichols’ attorneys to implicate others in mass murder
Posted: January 06, 2004
5:00 pm Eastern
© 2009 WorldNetDaily.com
A recently declassified FBI memo obtained by an Oklahoma newspaper contains several revelations concerning the Oklahoma City bombing investigation that could give attorneys for co-conspirator Terry Nichols ammunition to argue in his next trial in March that there were more than just two people involved in the crime.
The memo, transmitted electronically, was sent to the OKBOMB investigation task force and a select group of FBI offices around the nation eight months after the devastating 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, reports the McCurtain Daily Gazette.
One of the revelations was the involvement of civil-rights attorney Morris Dees of the Southern Poverty Law Center in an informant operation. According to the memo, the SPLC was involved in monitoring subjects for the FBI believed to be linked to now-executed bomber Timothy McVeigh, the neo-Nazi compound at Elohim City and the mysterious German national Andreas Carl Strassmeir.
The Daily Gazette says the memo, dated Jan. 4, 1996, was heavily redacted.
It mentions individuals the FBI believed were involved in two cases – OKBOMB, the probe of the OKC bombing, and BOMBROB, which involved a wide-ranging search for a group of neo-Nazi bank robbers in the mid-1990s.
Six people eventually were arrested in connecting with the BOMBROB investigation, the paper reported, all of whom had ties to Elohim City. Only two people have been charged in relation to the OKC bombing: McVeigh and Nichols. But attorneys for Nichols, who faces 161 counts of first-degree murder on top of a federal life-sentence conviction, likely will use the opportunity of his upcoming trial to implicate others in the crime, an act that took the lives of 168 people.
The paper reports that the memo mentioned Strassmeir, though his name was redacted. The German national was sought in early 1995 after in informant told authorities about an alleged plot by Elohim City to bomb federal facilities and kill a large number of people. Strassmeir has extensive military know-how and was acknowledged to have provided terrorist training to residents of the white-supremacist compound.
Controversy over a planned raid of Elohim City stalled efforts to arrest Strassmeir, who eventually made his way to the safety of his politically connected family in Berlin, the Daily Gazette reported.
The paper says one statement in the memo casts doubt on the theory that Nichols was a conspirator in the bombing.
Wrote then-FBI Director Louis Freeh: “Prior OKBOMB investigation determined that (name redacted) had placed a telephone call to (name redacted) on 4/5/95 a day that he was believed to have been attempting to recruit a second conspirator to assist in the OKBOMB attack.”
The statement in the memo describing a phone call placed by McVeigh suggests he was still searching for a partner a mere two weeks before the bombing.
Federal officials have argued, however, that Nichols was deeply involved in the plot as far back as September 1994.
The involvement of the SPLC is mentioned in the following quote from the memo:
“(Name redacted) telephone call from (name redacted) on or about 4/17/95, two days prior to the OKBOMB attack, when (name redacted) of the SPLC, was in the white supremacist compound at (redacted), Oklahoma, notes the director.”
The Daily Gazette reports, “References to an informant working for the SPLC at Elohim City on the eve of the Oklahoma City bombing raises serious questions as to what the SPLC might know about McVeigh’s activities during the final hours before the fuse was lit in Oklahoma City – but which the SPLC has failed to disclose publicly.”
Dees confirmed the presence of an informant at Elohim City at a recent press conference, the paper reported.
“If I told you what we were doing there, I would have to kill you,” Dees replied when asked to explain.
Dees has been critical of the so-called right-wing militia movement in the U.S., having written books and articles about the subject. His critics believe the attacks have been exploitive and designed to raise donations for his tax-exempt foundation.
“A lot of hate groups don’t like me,” Dees said. “I’ll tell you . when you put them out of business and take their double-wides (mobile homes), they don’t like it. We’ve sued a lot of these vicious hate groups over the years.”
Attorney Stephen Jones, who represented McVeigh at trial in Denver, Colo., told the Daily Gazette he was not provided this information from the government despite repeated motions filed with the court.
“We filed motions with the judge specifically asking for details of surveillance activities at Elohim City and other places. We were told by prosecutors that they had no records. Now you have some of them,” Jones told the paper.
“Also, as you know the FBI kept saying they had no information linking McVeigh to Elohim City beyond the one phone call on April 5. Well, as you can see, there’s much more than that here.”
The FBI stands by its position there was no one else involved in the bomb attack.
“We arrested everyone in this crime, and these conspiracy stories just waste our time,” Gary Johnson, a spokesman for the Oklahoma City FBI office told the paper.
Speculation has swirled about a larger group of people having been involved in the bombing. As WorldNetDaily reported, Oklahoma City attorney John M. Johnston said in 2002 he and others had gathered a “mountain” of evidence that implicates Iraq in both the Oklahoma City bombings and the Sept. 11 attacks.[encore cette obsession anti-irakienne!!]
Reporter Jayna Davis, who has done extensive research on the bombing, also asserts Iraq had a hand in the bombing.
Read WND’s extensive coverage of the OKC bombing.
By Richard V. London
April 12, 2004
Impending testimony in the Oklahoma state trial of accused and federally convicted Oklahoma City bombing co-conspirator Terry Nichols could blow the lid off the long-simmering FBI and Justice Department cover-up of the actual facts about the tragic federal building bombing.
Although the Justice Department hopes to discredit Nichols defense witness David Paul Hammer, a convicted murderer who faces execution on June 8, Hammer has been saying for a long time that Timothy McVeigh told him—while the two were serving on death row together in federal prison prior to McVeigh’s execution—that there were others above and beyond McVeigh and Nichols involved in the Oklahoma bombing conspiracy.
In particular, Hammer’s testimony (if it reflects his past private statements) could point to the role of a covert federal undercover informant, former German army intelligence officer, Andreas Strassmeir, in matters surrounding the tragedy.
Strassmeir’s close friend and attorney, Kirk Lyons, is undoubtedly watching the unfolding events, having proclaimed that Strassmeir is a victim of “conspiracy theories”—a theme echoed by the major media and by Morris Dees of the Southern Poverty Law Center, who is now known to have had an informant, probably Strassmeir, with foreknowledge of the OK bomb conspiracy.
Several years ago, Hammer contacted Michael Collins Piper, a correspondent for the now-defunct Spotlight newspaper, and provided Piper, in a handwritten letter, with inside information about the Oklahoma bombing affair relayed to Hammer by McVeigh.
At the time, Spotlight editors concluded that Hammer was acting as a conduit for McVeigh, who evidently filled Hammer in on many details, confirming much of what The Spotlight had reported on the affair.
McVeigh also sent a cryptic letter to Piper from death row, indirectly hinting that The Spotlight’s reportage was on the mark. Although McVeigh later publicly took sole claim for the crime, his story was full of holes and few with serious knowledge of the Oklahoma affair believed what he had to say.
Hammer told Piper that reputed federal undercover informant Strassmeir was closely involved with McVeigh in events related to the bombing conspiracy, evidently manipulating McVeigh—a point that McVeigh himself only came to recognize after the bombing.
Hammer’s testimony is expected to focus exclusively on the question of whether Nichols actively assisted in the preparation of a bomb that the federal authorities claim was the exclusive cause of the damage and loss of life at the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City.
However, Hammer’s entire story—as related to The Spotlight’s correspondent—casts a stark new light on what really happened, lending strong credence to the growing body of opinion that there was much more at work in Oklahoma City than the federal government would have Americans believe.
In fact—although this is not reported in the national media—it is an open secret in Oklahoma City that there was, at the very least, foreknowledge by government and law enforcement officials that there was an active conspiracy to place a bomb outside the Murrah building by an organized group of individuals, but whether this bomb was supposed to explode is an unsolved mystery.
For example, many Oklahoma City residents are painfully aware that two law enforcement officials have alleged that U.S. Rep. Ernest Istook (R-Okla.) admitted to them, in a hurried, emotionally charged private conversation that it was known there was a bomb conspiracy under way and that the responsible authorities had failed to prevent it.
In addition, there are those who believe that outside forces with their own agenda may have manipulated this conspiracy and made certain that the bombing took place, perhaps with the intent of placing the blame on Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein for the purpose of stoking up American opposition to the Arab strongman.
In truth, there is evidence that McVeigh was associated with at least one Iraqi national in Oklahoma City, but many have concluded that this was part of a deliberate “false flag” operation designed to “link” Saddam to the bombing as an early scheme to inflame American opinion against the Iraqi leader, similar to later false claims by the “Dubya” Bush administration that Saddam was behind the 9-11 attacks.
The historical record shows that immediately after the Oklahoma bombing, a known Israeli intelligence operative, William Northrup, moved about Oklahoma City encouraging the belief that “the Arabs”—in particular, Saddam—were the grand wizards behind McVeigh.
Some believe the maneuvers by federal law enforcement officials to cover up the purported “Iraqi link” to the bombing were actually sensible efforts to prevent covert instigators from succeeding in their campaign to incite an American military retaliation against Iraq, which had no involvement in the Oklahoma bombing.
However, as a consequence of those attempts to erase the deliberately orchestrated false evidence linking Iraq to the crime, more doubts were raised about what really happened that tragic day. Still, on a broad range of matters, it is clear the FBI and the Justice Department have suppressed evidence relating to the bombing, above and beyond the Iraqi connection.
While some Oklahoma bombing survivors were convinced of an Iraqi involvement and lent their names to various efforts to bring the supposed Iraqi connection to light, they received virtually no publicity until days be fore the U.S. invasion of Iraq in the spring of 2003, when a variety of longtime pro-Israel propagandists in the American media suddenly began hyping “the Iraqi link to the Oklahoma bombing.”
Despite all of this, the most apparent concern by the federal authorities has been to refute the idea that Strassmeir had any connection to McVeigh’s activities vis-�-vis the subsequent bombing.
A former German military intelligence officer who is fluent in Hebrew, the state language of Israel, Strassmeir postured as a “neo-nazi” while—at the same time—easily moving in quite respectable U.S. military and intelligence circles, all the while closely guided by his friend and attorney Kirk Lyons, who helped make Strassmeir’s journey to the U.S. possible.
Wide-ranging evidence over the past several years has convinced many that Strassmeir was—as The Spotlight first suggested—an undercover informant for some intelligence agency and that he was actively involved in manipulating McVeigh. The original communication from David Paul Hammer to Michael Collins Piper—apparently acting indirectly on behalf of Timothy McVeigh—intimated as much.
What Hammer ultimately says under oath remains to be seen—and what the prosecutors will do to muzzle the death-row inmate also has yet to be told. However, it’s now clear that the “official” version of what really happened in Oklahoma City is anything but the truth.
THE ENEMY WITHIN
by Michael Collins Piper
Judas Goats on Parade:
Andreas Strassmeir, Kirk Lyons
and a Sordid Cast of Other Enemies Within
Linked to the Oklahoma City Bombing
The Enemy Within—represented by such groups as the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC)—along with intelligence agencies such as the CIA, the FBI and the BATF,were closely involved in monitoring (and directing) the activities of the handful of individuals who were implicated (but not necessarily charged) in the Oklahoma bombing.
And, of course, in view of the ADL’s role in the affair, it is also accurate to say the ADL’s foreign principal, Israel’s Mossad, was definitely keyed in to (and probably directed) the events leading up to the tragedy.
Although there is a wealth of information that has continued to emerge surrounding the official Justice Department and FBI cover-up of the facts about the bombing, one particularly sad fact is this: even many of those who have been quite forward in publicly discussing aspects of this cover-up have been afraid to venture so far as to suggest the likelihood of involvement by Israel’s Mossad. Nevertheless, there is solid evidence pointing toward the role of undercover informants in the circumstances surrounding the tragedy.
On May 12, 1997, highly-regarded syndicated columnist Sam Francis (since deceased) raised questions about an individual named Andreas Strassmeir whom Francis described as “perhaps the single biggest anomaly in the whole case” surrounding the bombing.
Until that time only The Spotlight and a handful of independent publications had questioned whether Strassmeir may have had some connection to the tragic events.
However, on Oct. 20, 1997, The Washington Post rocked the otherwise complacent world of those who decry “conspiracy theories” by publishing a column by syndicated commentator Robert Novak that suggested that undercover government informants—specifically Strassmeir—may have been moving in Timothy McVeigh’s circle prior to the Oklahoma City bombing.
Novak focused on what he calls “grave and disturbing questions” raised in a book by Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, the longtime Washington correspondent for The Daily Telegraph of London. The book, entitled The Secret Life of Bill Clinton:The Unreported Stories,opened with 108 pages of facts about the Oklahoma bombing unearthed by Evans-Pritchard.Novak advised his readers that the English writer was “no conspiracy-theory lunatic” but instead “was known in Washington for accuracy, industry and courage.” Evans-Pritchard had “offered leads to discovering a pattern of lies and deception after Oklahoma City that, if verified, would approach Vietnam and Watergate in undermining American citizens’ confidence in their government.”
In particular, Novak described Evans-Pritchard’s inquiries into the strange activities of Strassmeir, a former German army intelligence officer who was illegally in the United States. Evans-Pritchard says he is “certain” Strassmeir was “under federal protection.” The English investigator also examined the activities of another individual, Dennis Mahon, who was closely associated with Strassmeir prior to the bombing.
According to Evans-Pritchard, Mahon was convinced that Strassmeir was actually a federal undercover informant reporting back to either the FBI or the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF)—or both—on the activities of so-called right-wing extremists.
Novak’s report (based on Evans-Pritchard) echoed what The Spotlight reported (as follows) on June 16, 1997:
Americans relying on the major networks and on wire service reports about the McVeigh trial were told little—if anything—about proposed testimony by former paid BATF informant Carol Howe whose information could have shed light on not only:
• Foreknowledge by federal authorities of a plot to bomb the federal building in Oklahoma City; but also
• The possibility that a federal undercover agent was actively encouraging such activity . . .
On May 28, 1997,The Denver Post also gave its readers an account of Howe’s allegations saying that her testimony could have been “one of the biggest wild cards in Timothy McVeigh’s trial.”
Miss Howe charged that German immigrant Andreas Strassmeir had talked about bombing federal buildings.
The Denver Post also reported that “although the FBI and federal prosecutors repeatedly denied that either Strassmeir or Mahon were suspects in the bombing, documents turned over to the defense prove that they were and that Howe was extensively interviewed by federal agents two days after the bombing.”The Post also reported that “the government has refused to talk about Howe.”
Then, the judge in the McVeigh trial, Richard Matsch, ruled in what The Rocky Mountain News described on May 28, as a “closed door session” that Howe’s testimony was “irrelevant” and would not be permitted.
Despite the successful effort to block Miss Howe’s testimony, investigators who have been examining all of the evidence have repeatedly focused—in particular—on the role of the enigmatic Strassmeir.
The role of Strassmeir’s close friend and attorney, Kirk Lyons, who popped up some years ago in the “right wing,” is also drawing attention,inasmuch as it was Lyons who played a key role in spiriting Strassmeir out of the country and out of the hands of the McVeigh defense. (In fact, McVeigh is known to have actually called Lyons’ office just prior to the bombing.)
This has led to speculation that Lyons was actually functioning as Strassmeir’s “handler” for the federal government, which, of course,wanted to keep any evidence of its foreknowledge of any bombing conspiracies out of the reach of the McVeigh jury—particularly since its own reputed informant was perhaps acting as an instigator.
Evans-Pritchard’s new book also contained intriguing information about the likely identity of the now-infamous “John Doe No. 2.” The English writer suggested that Doe No. 2 is actually a Pennsylvania man, Michael Brescia, who was seen with McVeigh and Strassmeir on at least one occasion. However, in the end, it is likely that there were many other “Does” involved as well.
According to Kirk Lyons, Strassmeir came to the United States because of his (Strassmeir’s) interest in Civil War reenactments. Sounds innocent enough. However, in light of Strassmeir’s involvement in “Civil War reenactments,” it is worth noting, according to John Hurley—the longtime head of the Confederate Memorial Hall (CMA) in Washington, D.C.—that the CIA has frequently used Civil War reenactment activities as a front for their own covert operations. Hurley is knowledgeable on these subjects, having tangled with the CIA when it used front men in an attempt to seize control of the CMA and use it for its “black ops.” In any event, British writer Evans-Pritchard commented:
It is assumed that Strassmeir could not have been a CIA asset because he was operating on U.S. soil. But this is not necessarily the case. He could have been reporting to the domestic services section of the CIA, which has offices all over the country. Under usual procedures, his reports would be passed through them to the CIA’s Directorate of Operations. Or alternatively, he could have been an FBI operative working under CIA auspices. My own conjecture, for what it is worth, is that Strassmeir was a shared asset, on loan to the U.S. government, but ultimately answering to German intelligence.
Evans-Pritchard also pointed out that the federal prosecutors portrayed McVeigh as “an anti-government radical set on avenging Waco” but have “downplayed” McVeigh’s links to the circles in which Strassmeir was operating. And, he added, “the U.S. press has followed suit.The question is why.Why deflect attention from the white supremacist movement?”
But it gets murkier.The June 8, 2001 issue of the Times of London featured a revealing story about Strassmeir, in which the authors concluded that Strassmeir probably was an undercover operative.The Times reported:“The syringe that executes McVeigh will also drain Strassmeir of significance; giving him the status of a footnote.” In other words, it would eliminate the one person who could finger Strassmeir.
The newspaper noted Strassmeir can read Hebrew—Israel’s state language—as a consequence, it is said, of having had a girlfriend who served in the Israeli army,“not exactly the typical choice of a neo-Nazi,” the Times added.
In addition, the Times pointed out that when Strassmeir first arrived in the United States, he “found friends easily—retired Army officers, CIA veterans, history buffs—and became part of a network” which the Times said “is powerful in the U.S., a web of influence that stretches into the Pentagon and the federal agencies, in churches and boardrooms, on the oil rigs and building sites.”
This is hardly the profile of your average “neo-Nazi extremist” but certainly that of an intelligence operative.
Additional evidence brought forth by independent investigator J.D. Cash strongly suggests Strassmeir was the undercover informant who tipped off his federal handlers (who in turn then tipped off the German authorities) that Gary Lauck, a Nebraska-based publisher of so-called “holocaust denial” literature was making a trip to Denmark.
During that trip, Lauck was taken into custody and then deported to Germany to be tried, convicted and jailed under Germany’s “thought control” laws for his role in distributing literature (printed in the United States) that is illegal in Germany.
Although Timothy McVeigh’s first attorney, Stephen Jones, and later, his final attorneys prior to his execution—Rob Nigh, Richard Burr, Nathan Chambers and Christopher Tritico—all charged that Strassmeir was a key player in the Oklahoma bombing scenario, the U.S. media kept that information under wraps.
When McVeigh’s attorneys appealed to block McVeigh’s execution, they cited newly-released FBI documents which suggested that “there was . . . evidence, withheld by the government, that another person could well have been the mastermind behind the bombing.”
The attorneys named Strassmeir and his friend, Dennis Mahon, as possible co-conspirators, charging the FBI engaged in a “scheme to suppress evidence” of their roles, alleging that information in the FBI documents “suggested that one of the other participants in the bombing was an informant for federal law enforcement officers.”
In fact, in time, solid evidence began to emerge which most definitely pointed toward Strassmeir as an undercover informant.
The aforementioned independent investigator, J.D. Cash, and his colleague, ex-Marine Lt. Col. Roger Charles, pinpointed evidence, taken from a declassified FBI document, proving that Andreas Strassmeir was an informant working under cover (posing as a “neo-Nazi”) on behalf of Morris Dees and his Birmingham, Ala.-based Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), a private intelligence operation.
The document, an electronic four-page Teletype message, dated Jan. 4, 1996, was sent by then-FBI Director Louis Freeh to FBI offices involved in the Oklahoma bombing investigation.The existence of this document was first exposed by Cash and Charles in the Dec. 14, 2003, issue of Oklahoma’s The McCurtain Daily Gazette.
Although heavily redacted, the document confirmed what The Spotlight reported about Strassmeir and his close friend and attorney Kirk Lyons.Within the declassified document, the FBI director makes a reference to an SPLC informant being in place at the Elohim City “extremist” compound, on the Arkansas-Oklahoma border and confirms that a telephone call was made to that informant on April 17, 1995, two days before the bombing.
Although the names of the caller and the person being called were blacked out by FBI censors, it had been documented that, around that time,Timothy McVeigh made a telephone call to Elohim City seeking to contact Strassmeir, who was reportedly unavailable to take the call.
The FBI memo further indicated that a person at Elohim City had “a lengthy relationship with one of the two indicted [bombing] conspirators” (McVeigh and Nichols). Multiple independent investigators have documented that Strassmeir was with McVeigh on several occasions over an extended period, prior to the bombing.
The FBI, Lyons and others—including the SPLC—have insisted that this did not prove Strassmeir was involved in the bombing. However, it is now clear—based on separate information, coupled with revelations in Freeh’s memorandum—that the SPLC informant was indeed Strassmeir.
Cash and Charles concluded that “references to an informant working for the SPLC at Elohim City on the eve of the Oklahoma City bombing raise serious questions as to what the SPLC might know about McVeigh’s activities during the final hours before the fuse was lit in Oklahoma City—but which the SPLC has failed to disclose publicly.”
Both investigators reported that when Dees of the SPLC was pressed to explain what his informant was doing at Elohim City, he offered the following explanation: “If I told you what we were doing there, I would have to kill you.”
Dees claimed that the SPLC didn’t have McVeigh on its “radar screen” until after he was arrested. However, that conflicts with evidence
McVeigh was being closely monitored by the SPLC-allied Anti-Defamation League (ADL) as much as a year before the bombing. The ADL and the SPLC regularly trade spy data gleaned from informants.
Although the FBI said Strassmeir was expected to flee into Mexico “in the near future,” Cash and Charles point out that “none of the offices that received this FBI director’s memo [was in] Texas, where Strassmeir had just arrived and [from which he] was expected to make an escape across the Mexican border.” In addition, the FBI made no effort to visit Lyon’s office in North Carolina, where Strassmeir apparently hid out before fleeing to Mexico.
According to the Gazette, “Although Strassmeir was wanted for questioning in the Oklahoma bombing at the time of his escape and was illegally in the United States, those facts were known to attorney, Kirk Lyons . . . who has never been charged with harboring a fugitive, obstructing justice or disciplined by the [bar association] for his admitted role in assisting a client to elude federal authorities.”
The totality of the evidence, including the FBI memo, suggests Strassmeir was protected by the FBI, even before the bombing. Initially, the office of the BATF in Tulsa, Okla., had sought an arrest warrant for Strassmeir after one of its informants, Carol Howe, announced Strassmeir’s reported plans to bomb a U.S. federal building. That was in February 1995—two months prior to the Oklahoma bombing.
The Gazette alleged that Bob Ricks, special agent in charge of the Oklahoma City FBI office, enlisted the U.S. attorney in Tulsa, Steve Lawrence, to prevent Strassmeir’s arrest and a planned raid on Elohim City where Strassmeir was living.
In preparation for McVeigh’s trial, his attorney, Stephen Jones, requested FBI documents relating to its surveillance of Elohim City.
However, the FBI claimed it had no information linking McVeigh to anyone there, and that is now clearly shown to have been a lie.
So although Strassmeir spent seven years in the United States, including time after his visa had expired, thereby making him an illegal alien, he was never interviewed by the FBI, despite the fact that he was associating with neo-Nazis who were under investigation, including several linked to a nationwide bank-robbing spree.
The FBI never needed to speak directly to Strassmeir because his handlers acted as his conduit and passed his information to the agency.
That has been a long-standing strategy employed by the SPLC and the ADL in the handling of intelligence from informants and the conveyance of that data to the FBI and similar law enforcement bodies.
Thus, it is no surprise that Dees and the SPLC and the ADL have worked to suppress the role of Strassmeir in the bombing and quick to dismiss the charges about Strassmeir made by BATF informant Howe.
The attacks on Howe echo the same language used by Strassmeir’s friend Kirk Lyons who, from the beginning, joined Dees and the ADL, along with all of the elite media trying to suppress the Strassmeir link.
That the ADL and Dees are adamant in discounting the involvement of a purported “neo-Nazi” in the Oklahoma scenario raises the question: “Why?” The only logical explanation is that Strassmeir was a “snitch” all along.
In fact, as we now know, it was the now-defunct Spotlight—whose reporters went on to found American Free Press—which was the one newspaper that wrote articles about the Oklahoma City bombing that Timothy McVeigh privately said “hit very close to home.”
Spotlight coverage was unique (and obviously of interest to McVeigh) in that it focused on the “big picture,” conveying evidence McVeigh was a small cog in a wide-ranging conspiracy involving multiple intelligence agencies and informants working with McVeigh and his inner circle and manipulating their actions.
Now much of what The Spotlight first wrote has finally been confirmed for the first time. Although McVeigh publicly claimed he was a “lone bomber,” privately he said The Spotlight was aiming in the right direction, even thwarting his effort to claim a singular role in history.
Two of McVeigh’s friends from death row at the federal prison in Indiana have written a book telling the “inside” story of the bombing, based largely on what McVeigh told them really happened.Secrets Worth Dying For, by David Paul Hammer and Jeffrey William Paul, probably comes much closer to the truth than any other book on the subject.
And, as already noted, although McVeigh publicly proclaimed himself as a “lone bomber”—even dismissing the role of his friend, Terry Nichols—McVeigh told a far different version to his friends in prison. As such, what Secrets reports is far more credible than what is found in “mainstream” media books.
The book contends that McVeigh was recruited (while still in the military) by a superior to immerse himself in the rhetoric and lifestyle of the American “militia” and “patriot” movements, traveling from gun show to gun show, reporting back his findings. In short, McVeigh was a federal “snitch.”
However, although unusual from a psychological standpoint, McVeigh evidently shared the views of those he was informing on.
Eventually,McVeigh was ordered to organize a team of “extremists” to carry out a terrorist bombing in the United States in order to give the federal authorities the opportunity to crack down on political dissidents in this country. McVeigh did orchestrate a bombing conspiracy (the details of which he reported back to his superiors) and that conspiracy included at least one other undercover informant, the now-notorious Andreas Strassmeir.
McVeigh himself sent a letter to this author, Michael Collins Piper, from his cell on death row at the federal prison in Terre Haute, Indiana.
Inside the envelope was a print-out of an article about an individual named Cary Gagan who claimed to have inside knowledge about the Oklahoma bombing. In his own handwriting on the print-out, McVeigh wrote,“One lie too many smokes out a con artist,” evidently suggesting that Gagan was a liar.
But what made this note from McVeigh interesting was the fact that, never once, had I written anything about Gagan. Instead, my writing for The Spotlight, had focused almost exclusively on the Strassmeir connection.
My immediate reaction to receiving this note from McVeigh was to make the deduction that McVeigh was indirectly communicating to me (through a round-about, indirect means) was that what I actually had written was on the mark.And now, of course, I have the satisfaction of knowing that I was very much on target all along, much to the dismay of Andreas Strassmeir, Kirk Lyons and all of their allies and handlers in the murky world of covert action.
However, despite all of this, there is much,much more to the ugly “story behind the story”of the Oklahoma City bombing and in the pages that follow we will explore all of this further.
Timothy McVeigh and the ADL:
The Untold Story
Whether that informant was the ubiquitous Andreas Strassmeir, whose own sordid record we’ve already examined, or someone else, we’ll probably never know. But here are the facts which prove that McVeigh and his activities were under the close scrutiny of the ADL.
On April 21, 1995, in an early-morning edition, The Washington Post reported—to the surprise of The Spotlight—that, in the fall of 1993, McVeigh—using the name “T.Tuttle”—had taken out a classified advertisement which had run for four weekly issues in The Spotlight, beginning on Aug. 9, 1993.
According to the Post, the source of this information was an ADL press release. Needless to say The Spotlight was surprised to learn of this story. So when alerted to this allegation The Spotlight staff underwent a time-consuming effort to locate the advertisement and the related inhouse paperwork relating to the advertisement.
The Spotlight soon learned from a friendly source with high-level U.S. intelligence contacts that the reason why the ADL knew McVeigh had advertised in The Spotlight was because the ADL had an « inside source » in McVeigh’s circle.
In the meantime, later that afternoon, The Spotlight staff was astounded when the Post published a late-morning edition of its April 21, 1995, issue and in reprinting the quite lengthy article about McVeigh, deleted only the reference to the ADL’s data on McVeigh.
(Now,years later, according to investigators, the first version of that Post article seems to have conveniently disappeared from Post archives altogether—highly unusual, so they say!)
The Spotlight soon understood why the Post had come to the ADL’s rescue, covering up the ADL’s intimate knowledge about McVeigh when republishing the story.
Although McVeigh had indeed contracted to run the same advertisement in four consecutive issues of The Spotlight, the ad did not run the first week (Aug. 9, 1993) it was scheduled.The ad did not actually run until one week later, in the Aug. 16, 1993 issue.Yet, when the ADL had scurried to tip off The Washington Post, the ADL reported that the ad had first run in the August 9 issue.
In short, although the ADL knew (through McVeigh or a source close to McVeigh) that McVeigh had contracted to run ads in The Spotlight and put that data in its record, the ADL did not know that an in-house scheduling conflict at The Spotlight prevented the ad from appearing when it was first scheduled.
Ironically, The Spotlight’s editor ultimately pulled the ad (which was for a flare gun) because, as he put it, something seemed « suspicious. »
Consequently the ad never ran as many times as the ADL expected and first noted in its surveillance file on McVeigh!
As a consequence, after the bombing, over a year later, when the ADL rushed to The Washington Post with “news” about McVeigh’s “link” to The Spotlight, they mistakenly cited the first scheduled date for the advertisement. However, the ADL obviously quickly discovered (as did The Spotlight) that the ADL’s data was incorrect and hastily arranged to have the Post re-write its initial story. Obviously, the ADL’s mistake did point toward its intimate knowledge of McVeigh’s advertising deals.
Since the ADL is known to report its findings to agencies such as the FBI, the BATF, the CIA, and Israel’s intelligence service, Mossad, is it unreasonable to ask whether any of these agencies also had knowledge of McVeigh’s activities—and his intentions?
There is a final point that needs to be mentioned in relation to the interest of the ADL in the affairs of Timothy McVeigh.
Keeping in mind that there had been conflicting reports about the exact time of Timothy McVeigh’s arrival in Oklahoma City prior to the bombing—a point the government was eager to suppress—this lends some credence to the theory that there may have actually been a “Tim McVeigh No. 2” (that is, someone masquerading as McVeigh) as part of a wide-ranging conspiracy of which McVeigh was possibly unaware.
Here’s one possible answer as to who may have been masquerading as McVeigh:Ten days after the bombing, a “right wing” Israeli terrorist—28-year-old Sharon Svi Toval (also known as Zvi Sharon) —was arrested in New York by U.S. authorities.Then, under escort and airtight security,Toval was deported to Israel.
The one published photograph of Toval that appeared in The New York Daily News, on May 3, 1995, shows a young man who—without beard, mustache and yarmulke—could be mistaken by a stranger for either accused Oklahoma bomber Tim McVeigh or for the person shown in the famous “John Doe No. 1” sketch that authorities released immediately after the bombing and which was used to identify McVeigh.
In light of reports in 1995 that McVeigh’s attorneys were looking into the possibility that “right wing terrorists” from Israel—or even Israel’s intelligence agency, the Mossad itself—had a hand in the bombing,Toval’s specter is intriguing. Couple that with the obvious “inside” knowledge about McVeigh’s activities by the Mossad-connected ADL and a whole new light is shed on the affair.
And there’s one other point worth noting: Although, before his execution, Timothy McVeigh said that he acted alone in delivering a bomb to the Murrah Building on April 19, 1995,McVeigh never revealed the name of the person in Oklahoma City who—on April 17, two days before the bombing—mailed The Spotlight what can only be described as a “warning” of the impending bombing.
The existence of this warning laid myth to McVeigh’s claim that no one else—other than Terry Nichols and their friends, Michael and Lori Fortier—knew of the bomb plot. It also raises two pertinent questions:
1) Did the the ADL—which was clearly monitoring McVeigh—have a hand in putting forth this “warning” or have knowledge of who was responsible for sending it? and 2) Why has the FBI refused to comment publicly about what—if anything—the bureau did to identify the person (or persons) who mailed this warning to The Spotlight?
Here’s the story that only The Spotlight and New York’s left-wing Village Voice (in its October 1, 1997 issue) and later American Free Press dared to report.
On April 20, 1995—the day after the OKC bombing—The Spotlight’s mail room opened an envelope postmarked “Oklahoma City.”
The envelope had been mailed to The Spotlight on April 17—two days before the bombing. It was hand-addressed in script, but we now know that the writing is very clearly not McVeigh’s.
Inside the envelope was a postcard featuring a Depression-era photograph depicting a dust storm over Oklahoma.This famous picture is ominously entitled “Black Sunday” (which, incidentally, was also the name of a Hollywood film about terrorism).The postcard also bears the printed legend,“Dust Storm Approaching at 60 mi. per hr.April 14,‘35.”
Also enclosed alongside the postcard was a photocopy of a twelve year-old article from The Spotlight about the government murder of IRS and Federal Reserve critic Gordon Kahl.There was no name or return address anywhere on the envelope or on any of the contents.
When the staff of The Spotlight saw this postcard (just one day after the bombing) they knew something was up and called in The Spotlight’s attorney, Mark Lane, who immediately turned the original card and envelope over to Attorney General Janet Reno and the FBI.
Although this strange postcard strongly points to foreknowledge (by somebody) about the impending bombing, the FBI subsequently told Lane that they had “lost” the postcard! Fortunately, however, The Spotlight had made a copy.
When James Ridgeway, a well-known columnist for The Village Voice, learned about the postcard from this author, Ridgeway contacted the FBI in April of 1997, but all an FBI spokesman would say was this:
“We have not stated anything in regards [sic] to that.” (The bad grammar was that of the FBI spokesman.)
Several questions arise: Why has the FBI “not stated anything in regards to that”? Whose handwriting is on the envelope? Are we to conclude that it was simply a bizarre coincidence that such an ominous postcard was mailed from Oklahoma City just two days before the bombing?
Or, in the alternative, is it possible that McVeigh himself had no knowledge that this postcard was being mailed to The Spotlight and had no part in so doing—that a third party orchestrated the mailing as part of some covert plot to implicate The Spotlight in the bombing? (And this, of course, seems likely.)
If The Spotlight had simply thrown the postcard away or if their attorney had not turned the material over to the FBI, there’s hardly any doubt about what would have happened then:The FBI would have been told about the postcard from a “source” and FBI agents would have stormed The Spotlight’s offices, accusing the staff of “obstructing justice” by destroying evidence, etc.
There’s no question that somebody other than Timothy McVeigh addressed this suspicious envelope and mailed the material within to The Spotlight—two days before the bombing.That person had advance knowledge of the impending bombing and, by enclosing The Spotlight article, was implicitly linking the death of Gordon Kahl (and The Spotlight’s account of his tragic story) to the bombing.
The mystery surrounding this postcard demonstrates, beyond any question, that there’s much more to the Oklahoma City bombing than either McVeigh or the FBI is willing to admit.What motivated McVeigh in not telling the entire story is open to speculation. By the same token, that the FBI is refusing to talk about this postcard only adds fuel to the continuing doubts about what really happened in Oklahoma City.
The bottom line, though, is that the FBI and its allies at the ADL know much more about the Oklahoma City bombing than they are willing to admit, and no doubt for very good reason: exposure of the truth would demonstrate,beyond any question, that Judas Goats—The Enemy Within were ultimately responsible for what happened in Oklahoma City on the tragic day in 1995.
Neo-Conservative Zionist Propaganda
Regarding the Oklahoma City Bombing
The theory that the two Arab leaders, Saddam and bin Laden, were involved in a highly unlikely alliance to blow up the Murrah Building and blame it on American “lily white” patsies came at precisely the time when the neo-conservatives were struggling to explain the utter failure of the U.S. war in Iraq. The “Saddam Bombed Oklahoma City” crowd touted this theory as another justification for a war that, as most Americans now know,was based on a patchwork of horrendous lies.
The neo-conservative promotion of The Third Terrorist, by former Oklahoma City television journalist Jayna Davis, is an after-the-fact means to justify the misdeeds and misinformation by the neo-conservatives and their allies in Israel who helped bring the war about.
Former CIA Director James Woolsey and Frank Gaffney (a longtime colleague of neo-conservative intriguer Richard Perle, once investigatedby the FBI for espionage on behalf of Israel) were just two of the neoconservatives who lent their names to the promotional efforts behind the new book.
In the meantime, U.S. News & World Report, published by hard-line pro-Israel ideologue Mort Zuckerman, former chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, along with Fox News (owned by pro-Israel billionaire Rupert Murdoch) also joined the chorus promoting the book.
For its part, The Wall Street Journal not only hyped Davis’s claim of Saddam’s involvement in the Oklahoma affair but even conjoined it with the conspiracy theory concocted by neo-conservative writer Laurie Mylroie who asserts Saddam was also behind the first attack on the World Trade Center in 1993.
In addition, Vanity Fair—published by pro-Israel media titan S. I. Newhouse—offered a friendly profile of Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz noting that a “longtime friend” of Wolfowitz (probably the aforementioned Perle) says Wolfowitz has long believed Saddam was behind the Oklahoma tragedy.
Of particular interest is the background of the chief sponsor of The Third Terrorist: WND Books, an enterprise of Joseph Farah, editor of Internet-based World Net Daily. Not only has Farah long operated in the sphere of billionaire Richard Scaife, whose CIA-connected intrigues go back decades, but in 2003 Farah was honored as “journalist of the year” by the Zionist Organization of America, one of the most vociferous advocates of the war against Saddam.Although an Arab-American, Farah is a fervent supporter of Israel and hardly an unbiased source.
Now about the book: Jayna Davis presented a convincing case that Timothy McVeigh was traveling with at least one—and likely more—Iraqi nationals (based in Oklahoma City) in the minutes,days,weeks and months leading up to the disaster. And—although she never mentions it—it was the now-defunct Spotlight that most consistently gave attention to Davis’ investigation, even while “mainstream” news sources studiously ignored her work.
However, obviously, that’s changed. But to those who carefully reviewed The Spotlight’s reportage on Davis’s work, none of this comes as any surprise, for—as The Spotlight said early on—so-called evidence of “Iraqi” involvement actually pointed elsewhere: that is, toward the likelihood that elements operating inside the U.S. (and manipulating McVeigh) were setting the stage for a terrorist attack that could be falsely blamed on Saddam, for the very purpose of stoking up a war against the Iraqi strongman—a war that finally came in the spring of 2003.
Although Davis no doubt believes that there was a Middle East connection—of Arab or Muslim origin—ultimately behind the bombing, there are many serious problems with her book. First of all, Davis completely disregarded the following critical evidence:
• Eyewitness testimony by bombing survivor Jane Graham, who— a day or so prior to the bombing—spotted a group of mysterious figures engaged in activity which suggests they were placing explosives inside the Murrah Building; these men were not Arabs, they were white Americans and definitely neither McVeigh nor his alleged co-conspirator Terry Nichols;
• Testimony by multiple bombing survivors—including, notably,V. Z. Lawton—who insist there was a major internal blast inside the Murrah Building following the explosion of the “McVeigh truck bomb” outside on the street;
• Seismographic data indicating more than one blast at the time of the disaster;
• And while multiple news reports at the time—from a wide array of sources—indicated other unexploded bombs had been found inside the Murrah Building after the explosion, Davis stated flatly that these bomb scares “proved innocuous.”
• Although Davis referenced the heroics of Oklahoma City policeman Terrence Yeakey—almost gratuitously—she never mentioned that Yeakey’s purported suicide is deemed “murder” by his friends and family who believe, based on Yeakey’s remarks at the time, that he witnessed something either before or after the bombing that led him to believe the authorities were covering up the truth about what really happened.
• Most notably, Davis never once referenced the intrigues of Hebrew-speaking former German military intelligence officer Andreas Strassmeir, almost certainly an undercover informant, most likely working for the CIA or the FBI or some “private”agency such as the Southern Poverty Law Center or the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith, an acknowledged asset of Israel’s clandestine services unit, the Mossad.
Although, of course, it was not Davis’ intent to explore all of the mysteries surrounding the bombing, it was disconcerting that she ignored some of the more notable questions that have arisen in its wake. Her focus was the purported “Iraqi connection” but even in that regard she actually leaves more questions unanswered than answered.
There are those who say Davis’s book was simply looking at a small part of a much larger picture and ignoring relevant details that—taken together in their entirety—point in another direction entirely.
Davis never adequately explained why the FBI—under either Bill Clinton or George W. Bush—would be so eager to suppress evidence that Saddam Hussein and/or “Islamic” or “Arabic” militants working with Saddam or in his sphere of influence had been involved in the Oklahoma tragedy.
Her best—albeit quite lame—explanation was the excuse that the Democratic Clinton administration (in power at the time of the bombing) did not want to admit that it ignored “warnings” of a possible attack put forth by a Republican Party-associated operative on Capitol Hill, Israeli-born “terrorism expert”Yosef Bodansky, who just happened to be one of Davis’s key sources. Davis made the highly unlikely assertion that Democrats in the Clinton administration would have been inclined to dismiss Bodansky’s warnings as “Zionist propaganda.”
In fact, in one respect, there may be some grain of truth to this, but in a quite different way than Davis suggested.
There is no question that—as Davis herself demonstrated—Israeli operatives landed in Oklahoma City immediately after the bombing and began promoting the theory that, as one of Davis’s Israeli sources put it, “the bomb which destroyed the Murrah Building was constructed by Arab terrorists or people trained by Arab terrorists.”
But what Davis never explored (or never mentioned, for it would not fit with her theory) is the possibility that the Clinton administration had no desire to crank up a war against Saddam, recognizing the Israeli claim that Saddam was behind the bombing was part of the long-standing neo-conservative drive to topple the Iraqi leader.
In one instance Davis pointed out that a Senate staffer told her she was known as “the baby with the loaded gun.”The fear was, he said, that “they don’t know where you are going to point it next.”Although Davis evidently never considered it, one could read into this remark that perhaps Davis’s dogged inquiries were going a bit too far.
In short, if Davis started digging too deeply into the “Iraqi connection” she could discover something quite the opposite: that the Iraqi connection was another Israeli “false flag” designed to shift the blame for a covert operation carried out by Israeli intelligence.
So although Davis painted a fairly convincing picture that an Iraqi immigrant, Hussain Al-Hussaini, was in league with McVeigh in the Oklahoma bombing, her book is unclear in explaining whether she believes it was Saddam’s sworn enemy, Islamic fundamentalist Osama bin Laden or Iraq’s secular Arab ruler Saddam (who actively suppressed Islamic fundamentalists) who was the ultimate sponsor of Al-Hussaini.
Instead, Davis weaved a tangled story that links Osama and Saddam in an unlikely scenario that never precisely pinpoints the finger of blame—a rather important detail that seems to be missed by those so eager to accept her thesis.A discerning reader will note this immediately, but then, again, most readers are not that discerning, a point arguing in favor of the likelihood that many will—regrettably—take Davis’s book seriously. ( “Arab plots” are popular in the media these days.)
At one point, she does state that “it really is a foreign conspiracy masterminded and funded by Osama bin Laden, according to my intelligence sources,” but this flat-out charge is refuted by other claims she made elsewhere regarding Al-Hussaini having “possibly”(her word) been “a devoted member of Saddam Hussein’s prized military unit, the Republican Guard,” (and therefore an agent of Saddam—not Bin Laden).
When Davis begins to explore the purported link of the mysterious Ramzi Yousef to the Oklahoma affair is when her theory really begins to unravel. For here, she is treading on shaky ground, attempting to tie an alleged Islamic fundamentalist (ostensibly under the discipline of bin Laden’s Al-Qaeda network) to an agent of Saddam Hussein—the Iraqi leader whom bin Laden himself had vowed to destroy.
And there are real questions about just whom Yousef and his uncle, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed (said to be Al Qaeda’s chief of operations) were really working for.
As we saw earlier in these pages, evidence first published by Jewish-American journalist Robert I. Friedman in New York’s Village Voice indicates Yousef was working closely with an Israeli mole inside the conspiracy behind the 1993 attack on the World Trade Center (WTC), forerunner of the September 11, 2001 tragedy.
So when Davis asseted that “the terrorist who engineered the delivery of a Ryder truck packed with a powerful fertilizer-fuel oil bomb to America’s financial district likely orchestrated a similarly executed bombing in Oklahoma City,”she was—unwittingly—suggesting that perhaps Israeli intelligence may have also had a hand in Oklahoma as it did in the 1993 WTC attack.
But don’t expect Davis or her media promoters to say that.
All of this is not to suggest Davis is deliberately promoting false information.However, it is conceivable that Davis—driven by a desire to bring her painstakingly assembled story to the fore—has been manipulated and that she has not recognized or understood the more subtle intricacies of the world of intrigue.
To sum it all up: there was much, much more to the Oklahoma bombing than most Americans realize—and those hidden facts point unmistakably to the role of Judas Goats—The Enemy Within.
What Really Happened in Oklahoma City?
A Scenario That Does Make Sense
And it should be added that even within the ranks of those who have been investigating the OKC bombing, there is a great range of differing opinion as to precisely what happened on that tragic day.
Most of the varying theories intersect at some points, but the truth is that most of those who put forth what appear to be competing theories seem to be quite prepared to dismiss the basics of the other theories, quibbling with details or deliberately ignoring uncomfortable facts that would suggest that the conspiracy led in directions that they would prefer to ignore.
It must be noted here that many of those supposedly “independent” investigators who choose to ignore uncomfortable facts appear to be afraid to suggest that, perhaps, there might be an Israeli connection to the Oklahoma City tragedy. Some of them, for example, reason to acknowledge that the Arab players who have been linked to the conspiracy may, in fact, have been acting as “false flags” for Israel’s intelligence service, the Mossad. (That aspect, of course, has already been discussed at some length in a previous chapter.)
So what of the various theories? Let’s review them and attempt to delineate, as simply as possible, the main points of each..
Some hold that it was a “U.S. government operation” deliberately designed to destroy the Murrah Building and place blame upon “right wing militias” for the purpose of setting in place police-state measures ultimately designed to impose martial law on the United States and thereby dissolve our Constitutional republic.
Many promoters of this scenario suggest that the orders “came from the top”—that is, that President Bill Clinton and his top advisors were “in on it,”acting perhaps as proxies for favorite villains such as “the Illuminati” or the Council on Foreign Relations or some other shadowy international power bloc. This is the simplistic version that disregards some of the more down to earth details that we’ll explore shortly.
While some contend that McVeigh was simply a “patsy”—perhaps brainwashed and under mind control—others suggest that McVeigh was a knowing agent of higher-ranking behind-the-scenes conspirators, that he was part of a secret government team staging acts of terrorism.
Others contend McVeigh was “for real”—that he was actively conspiring to blow up the federal building on his own (along with a handful of other extremists, known and unknown) and that government
authorities allowed the conspiracy to go forward, again for the purpose of clamping down on the militias and setting in place a police state as part of a grand design for a New World Order.
In contrast, there are those who say that while the government was aware of McVeigh’s plans, a federal sting operation (perhaps by the BATF) designed to stop—and expose—McVeigh and his collaborators went awry; that the bomb went off and destroyed the Murrah Building and that the government agents who failed to prevent the tragedy from happening were thus forced into a cover-up mode.
This thesis is based on the theme that the BATF was smarting under public scrutiny as a result of the debacle at Waco with the Branch Davidian church and that the BATF was trying to show how valuable its efforts were in fighting “extremism” of the type of which McVeigh was found guilty.However, of course, according to this theory, the BATF bungled and the bombing took place.
Generally, this thesis contends that McVeigh was “for real,” so to speak, but that government bungling allowed the tragedy to happen and that the cover-up by the government was necessary to keep the truth about government incompetence from reaching the public.
Another variation on one or more of the above versions of “what happened” is that McVeigh and his co-conspirators were planning to set off a bomb in front of the Murrah Building, but that others—generally said to be “government agents”—also put bombs inside the building and made sure there was a massive loss of life and major destruction. This thesis is founded on the reasonable contention that only government agents would have the kind of access to the Murrah Building (a federal facility) in order to make such a scenario possible.
And then, of course, as we have seen, there are those who say that either Osama bin Laden or Saddam Hussein (or both working together) were ultimately responsible for what happened in Oklahoma City.This thesis, obviously, is the least likely scenario, but, as we’ve already noted, it is this thesis that has received the most widespread publicity other than that accorded the official government scenario that McVeigh was effectively, a “lone nut” (with the exception of peripheral involvement by his friend Terry Nichols, and possible foreknowledge by his friends Michael and Lori Fortier).
In the end,however, there is one scenario which, in its entirety, ties many of these threads together in a way that does seem to make sense.
And that is the scenario we now put forth.
Our Oklahoma City bombing scenario follows: Timothy McVeigh was a young man—an ex-Army combat veteran—with leanings toward the philosophy of the “right wing”and the militia movement. He may have been recruited by a secret intelligence unit to infiltrate the militias and report back on their activities.
This assignment to infiltrate the militias was part of a calculated effort to place McVeigh in the position of being—in the public perception—precisely the type of “right wing militia”activist that he (McVeigh) believed he was monitoring for his superiors (who had a covert agenda kept well hidden from McVeigh).
McVeigh himself—if sympathetic to the militias, as many believe, based on what are purported to be McVeigh’s own writings and statements—was probably told that he was acting on behalf of higher-ups in the government or in the military who were sympathetic to the militias, seeing them as a possible ally in some ultimate fight against the dreaded “New World Order.”
In this part of the scenario, McVeigh may have believed, as a consequence, that he was not acting as a “rat” or as an informant but was, instead, working to help the militia movement by acting as a liaison between the movement and its purported sympathizers inside the federal military or law enforcement apparatus.
There is also the possibility that as an aspect of his recruitment and training, as part of some clandestine operation, McVeigh was subjected—even at this early stage—to some form of programming or mindcontrol of which he may not have been aware.
McVeigh’s former federal prison associate, David Paul Hammer, has put forth the idea that McVeigh had been recruited into some secret unit and that McVeigh was indeed sympathetic to the philosophy of the militia groups he was monitoring.
However—and here’s the point—it is entirely possible that the unit (or entity) that recruited McVeigh was not an officially-sanctioned U.S. government operation per se, and was, instead, a “rogue” operation under the thumb of a genuine militia sympathizer within U.S. military and intelligence circles.
There is another alternative: this operation (which had enough earmarks to convince McVeigh that it was U.S.-government sponsored) may not have even been a U.S. government operation at all. Instead, it could have been a totally spurious operation, set up on American shores by Israel’s Mossad.
This Mossad operation could have been utilizing home-grown American assets who were—either knowingly or unknowingly—working on behalf of Israeli intelligence. In other words, even McVeigh’s immediate supervisors may have been hoodwinked by the Israelis and may have never even suspected it; that is, genuine militia sympathizers in U.S. military circles may have been co-opted by the Mossad and thus, in turn,were used to recruit McVeigh and other individuals.
In short,we’re talking about layer upon layer of intrigue, but actually rather simple in its set-up.And that is a hallmark of the Mossad’s classic use of “false flags” and false identities in pursuit of its historically insidious games of intrigue.
With all of this in place,Timothy McVeigh began moving in militia circles, making contact with seemingly like-minded individuals. And in short order, as we have seen, McVeigh’s activities were clearly being monitored, at least in part,by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith, a most efficient arm of the Mossad.
It was during this same time frame that McVeigh had found among his new associates an enigmatic individual by the name of Andreas Strassmeir,who,as we have seen in earlier chapters, had quite stellar military and intelligence connections both here and abroad, not to mention the fact that he spoke Hebrew, the state language of Israel. Hardly, as we’ve noted, the profile of your run-of-the-mill “neo-Nazi” or “white racialist” agitator.
There was obviously much more to Strassmeir and his close friend and attorney, Kirk Lyons, as well Lyons’ associate, Dave Holloway, a former CIA pilot, than they would have us believe.
In any case, as we now know, undercover informant Strassmeir and the denizens of Elohim City, the now-infamous “Christian Identity” compound, were under surveillance by at least one division of the BATF, that office which utilized young Carol Howe as an informant.Miss Howe was reporting to her handlers at the BATF, describing talk by Strassmeir of attacking U.S. federal buildings.
However, in the end, of course, the U.S. government did all in its power to dismiss Miss Howe’s claims regarding Strassmeir despite the fact that the record is clear that she had made her claims about Strassmeir well before the Oklahoma City bombing took place.
Thus, it seems, one hand of the U.S. government intelligence apparatus (that directing Miss Howe) was perhaps unaware of the other hand directing the activities of Strassmeir (and McVeigh).
This would not be the first time that such a thing happened. As noted earlier, at the very time one division of the CIA was utilizing and funding informants inside the anti-Vietnam War movement, other divisions of the CIA and even the FBI were spending millions of dollars working to combat the anti-war movement.
And all of this does not preclude the possibility—dare we say the likelihood—that domestic government elements involved in manipulating Strassmeir and McVeigh were also working hand-in-glove (knowingly or unknowingly) with a foreign intelligence network, namely that of Israel.And needless to say, Israel was the only foreign government that any interest whatsoever in discrediting the domestic American “rightwing”circles (often anti-Jewish and anti-Zionist) in which Strassmeir and Lyons and McVeigh were operating.*
* SOME YEARS AGO, this author, Michael Collins Piper, had the oppportunity to directly confront Kirk Lyons and charge him with being a Judas Goat.
Although I had long held suspicions about Lyons, due to several things I had observed about him over the years, colleagues had counseled me to keep my suspicions under wraps since Lyons was ostensibly a “friend” of my employer, Liberty Lobby, the populist institution that published The Spotlight.
Finally, however, at the time the details surrounding Lyons’ links to Strassmeir were coming to the fore, Lyons popped up as an open player in the destruction of the Populist Party which Liberty Lobby had played an instrumental part in creating. Lyons revealed his open hostility to Liberty Lobby when he represented a party official, Donald Wassall, in a legal matter that required me to serve as a witness in federal court and be questioned under oath by Lyons. It was then that I confronted Lyons—much to Lyons’ apparent distress.
At one point during the trial, when Lyons asked me a question regarding some material that had appeared in The Spotlight, I responded,“My source on that, Mr. Lyons,was your FBI.”The emphasis was on the word “your.” My intent was to publicly, if rather subtly, suggest to Lyons—as I had already charged openly in The Spotlight—that Lyons was an FBI collaborator based on his association with Strassmeir who was (as we now know) indeed an undercover informant.
Although my remark certainly went over the heads of the jury and probably most others in the courtroom, including Judge Lancaster himself, Lyons literally jumped back a foot or two, shrieking,“Objection.” His eyes were blazing.
It occurred to me at that moment that I was absolutely on target and Lyons was thoroughly astounded, horrified, angry that I had dared to make that accusation to his face, probably the first time it had ever been done.
The opposing attorney jumped in, addressing the judge, saying, more or less,“Your honor, there’s nothing wrong with what Mr. Piper said. It’s Mr. Lyons’ FBI. It’s your FBI. It’s everybody’s FBI.We see no reason for Mr. Lyons to object.”
Lyons sputtered again, fuming, and Judge Lancaster slapped him down, saying, “Mr. Lyons, step back.” Lyons obediently did so.Then Lancaster ordered Lyons to “have a drink of water.”Dutifully, almost sheepishly, Lyons did have a drink of water.Then the judge instructed Lyons he could continue.
Having seen Lyons’ response—up close and personal—I now had no doubt whatsoever that Lyons was indeed a Judas Goat.Although he postured as a “nationalist attorney,” he and his associate, Dave Holloway, a former CIA pilot, (and their friend Andreas Strassmeir) were deep in the world of intrigue and betraying the trust of so many good nationalists who believed in them.In the meantime, of course, we must add to this already complex mix the evidence indicating that there were also foreign-born Arabs—at least one, and maybe more—involved with McVeigh in the weeks prior to the bombing.And, as we’ve seen in some detail in an earlier chapter, this “Arab connection” does point toward the likelihood of Israeli Mossad involvement.
Of course, there are many independent Oklahoma bombing investigators who will be—for obvious reasons—loathe to mention the possible (even likely) Israeli connection, despite all the evidence that stares them in the face. These people rightly fear being accused of “anti-Semitism,” but the truth is that by even putting forth “alternative” theories of “what really happened in Oklahoma City” they have already put themselves in the position of being “monitored” by the Anti-Defamation League, the Southern Poverty Law Center, the FBI, the BATF, the CIA and every other entity that keep an eye on those folks who dare to question the official U.S. government scenario about the events that took place in Oklahoma City.
It is not by coincidence that the scenario outlined in this chapter echoes the model of a scenario that this author, Michael Collins Piper, has already put forth in the book Final Judgment, regarding the assassination of John F. Kennedy, a scenario that also places Israel’s Mossad at the center of the machinations and circumstances surrounding the murder of our 35th president.
That scenario contends, essentially, that elements inside the American CIA—eager to bring down Fidel Castro of Cuba—were setting up a “dummy” assassination attempt on President Kennedy, one designed to fail but, at the same time, sensational enough to cause a public clamor for President Kennedy to invade Cuba.
Shots were to be fired on President Kennedy as he triumphantly paraded through Dallas, with evidence then to be found implicating Castro’s Cuba. There are some who have suggested that JFK’s brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, may have been involved in the operation, perhaps even with the knowledge of the president This scenario suggests that the president’s behind-the-scenes friendly gestures toward Castro were part of a scheme to mislead the Cuban communist leader and then set him up for a fall, although even this aspect of this particular scenario is subject to scholarly debate.
In any case, what role Lee Harvey Oswald, ultimately accused of being the president’s assassin, played in the scenario has yet to be determined, but, more than likely, his role was simply to deliver to the crime scene the weapon slated to be discovered by the Dallas police after the “failed assassination attempt.” Increasingly, it is becoming all too clear that Oswald never fired a single shot that tragic day in Dallas.
But, as the basic scenario unfolded, outside intervention turned the “dummy” assassination attempt into the real thing. In other words, while Oswald carried out his assignment—at the behest of his handlers, who were almost certainly CIA officials or contract agents who thought they were carrying out the “dummy” attempt on JFK—some very real assassins set up shop in Dealey Plaza and carried out a very real assassination.
The effect of the murder was to compromise otherwise innocent CIA officials in a crime that they never intended to happen. And, then again, there were almost certainly a handful of domestic intelligence officials, in the CIA specifically, who were very much aware that a real assassination was scheduled to take place.
In Final Judgment,we assert that the CIA’s chief of counter-intelligence, James J. Angleton—a dedicated Israeli loyalist—was foremost among them.And as for Oswald himself,he was silenced before he could ever publicly tell what he knew or thought he knew.
Essentially, outside elements aware of the intended “dummy” assassination intervened and turned everything upside down, thus setting the stage for a massive cover-up.
We contend here that what we’ve outlined regading the Oklahoma City tragedy is the most likely scenario of how the bombing unfolded, a conspiracy that employed almost precisely the same model used in the public execution of John F.Kennedy.
Thus, it seems likely that Timothy McVeigh was quite cognizant of a plan to explode a bomb outside the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City.McVeigh and his co-conspirators were being monitored and manipulated by those whom we describe as “higher forces” who were fully intent on allowing McVeigh’s truck bomb to explode.
At the same time, there appear to have been some inside the U.S. intelligence agencies (specifically the BATF) who may have attempted to thwart McVeigh’s plans, but then failed, either because of classic government incompetence or—in a more sinister scenario—perhaps precisely because they themselves were thwarted by their colleagues who were witting or unwitting accomplices of the “higher forces.”
In the end, as a consequence of the fact that myriad U.S. government agencies—including the BATF, the FBI, the CIA and probably others—had been tuned in to McVeigh’s activities long before the bombing (and also those of Strassmeir), this put the government in a critically necessary cover-up mode that led to the ultimate “lone bomber” scenario that became the official U.S. government line.
As we’ve seen, however, there is enough evidence to suggest that the so-called “international connections”to the Oklahoma City bombing do not point toward Osama bin Laden or Saddam Hussein, either working together or independently of one another.
Instead, they point to Israel.
The bottom line is this: it is our contention that the Oklahoma bombing can ultimately be attributed to Israel:That Israeli intelligence used its considerable influence at wide-reaching levels inside American law enforcement—and through such domestic spying operations as the ADL and the Southern Poverty Law Center—to manipulate Timothy McVeigh (and his various associates, including Andreas Strassmeir and others) to carry out the chain of events that led to the disaster in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995.
And although there were repeated efforts—from the beginning—to lay a trail of evidence linking the tragedy to Osama bin Laden and/or Saddam Hussein (all the work of Israeli intelligence and those in its sphere of influence) there was enough resistance inside the U.S. government that this Israeli scheme to spark a U.S. military reaction was stopped in its tracks.
However, on September 11, 2001—we believe—Israel accomplished (on a far grander scale) what it tried, and failed, in Oklahoma City: that is, orchestrating a shocking terrorist event on American soil, blaming it on “the Arabs” and setting the stage for U.S. military intervention in the Middle East.
And let us close by noting this: there is nothing to refute this scenario of likely Israeli involvement in the Oklahoma City bombing.
The fact remains that most honest independent investigators now concede that Andreas Strassmeir was an underrcover informant for the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) and that American law enforcement officials were aware of this. Furthermore, there is absolutely no question that the SPLC and the allied Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith have long acted jointly (and independently) as agents of the Israeli lobby in America.And all of this does not even address the obvious point that Strassmeir, though his own connections abroad, had a history of involvement with Israel, even having an Israeli girlfriend.
To continue further would only belabor the point that Israel most certainly had a role in the Oklahoma City bombing.The truth is that The Judas Goats—The Enemy Within have been effectively utilized by Zionist elements time and time again in American history, and Oklahoma City, as well as the JFK assassination and 9-11, are just some of the more notable examples.
AUDIO – Judas Goats Go Wild—America’s Enemies Within
Texe Marrs interviews Michael Collins Piper,
author of The Judas Goats
The High Priests of War: The Secret History of How America’s « Neo-Conservative » Trotskyites Came to Power and Orchestrated the War Against Iraq as the First Step in Their Drive for Global Empire, by Michael Collins Piper
Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy (scribd) – by Michael Collins Piper (Autres livres de Piper)