L’affaire INSLAW: comment le Mossad a volé le logiciel d’espionnage téléphonique et électronique PROMIS

Ou comment les services de renseignements israéliens ont volé le logiciel américain — PROMIS — qui permet d’espionner toutes les communications téléphoniques et électroniques partout dans le monde.

The Inslaw Affair

Trouvé dans le Contact Phoenix Journal

The New Jerusalem

Michael Collins Piper

Chapter 4:

The fine hand of Israeli intelligence and its influence at the highest levels in the Justice Department is the common thread running through the web of conspiracy in the INSLAW affair.

Although the INSLAW affair has faded into the background, a review of this outrageous scandal is fully appropriate in considering Zionist power in America. Here’s the story.

In March 1982 the Washington, D.C.-based INSLAW company, owned by Bill and Nancy Hamilton, won a $10 million three year contract with the Justice Department, which planned to install the remarkable PROMIS software, developed by Bill Hamilton, in the 22 largest U.S. attorneys’ offices and a word-processor version in 72 others. PROMIS was a highly sophisticated tracking software perfect for use by intelligence agencies, designed for tracking targeted individuals.

In the meantime, however, Dr. Earl Brian, a longtime crony of then Attorney General Edwin Meese, began using his political clout to interfere with the Hamiltons’ contract in order to win the contract for a company that he owned. This happened after the Hamiltons refused Brian’s offer to purchase INSLAW. Brian, who had wide-ranging international contacts, was widely believed to be a longtime asset of the CIA.

In early 1983 the Justice Department arranged with the Hamiltons to demonstrate PROMIS to an Israeli who called himself “Dr. Ben Orr” and who purported to be representing the Israeli Ministry of Justice. “Ben Orr” said he was most impressed with PROMIS, but, to the Hamiltons’ surprise, he never bought the product.

It was only later that the Hamiltons learned why: using his contacts inside the Justice Department, Earl Brian had managed to steal the software and then provided it to LEKEM, a top-secret signals intelligence unit of the Israeli Defense Force, with the software. The head of LEKEM was longtime Mossad operative Rafael “Dirty Rafi” Eitan. In fact, Eitan was the “Dr. Ben Orr” who had visited the Hamiltons.

And by this time it had already been revealed that Eitan was the Mossad official directing the American spying operations of Israeli spy Jonathan Pollard. Eitan’s LEKEM operations had been covertly funded by a series of offshore corporations in the Bahamas that had been set in place some years before by the law firm of Burns and Summit. This just happened to be the firm of Deputy Attorney General Arnold Burns, a key player in the Justice Department’s campaign to deliberately tried to bankrupt INSLAW so that they liquidate INSLAW.

Former Israeli intelligence operative Ari Ben-Menashe has said that PROMIS was perfect software for use by Israeli intelligence in tracking the Palestinians and political dissidents critical of Israel. He said: “PROMIS was a very big thing for us guys, a very, very big thing. It was probably the most important issue of the 1980s because it just changed the whole intelligence outlook. The whole form of intelligence collection changed.” So Brian had done his Israeli friends a big favor.

Brian also sold PROMIS to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, the Canadian Security and Intelligence Service and to Jordanian military intelligence, among many, many other places. In truth, the full extent of Brian’s intrigue in dealing PROMIS worldwide has yet to be told.

Of course, all of this was happening behind the scenes and unbeknownst, at that time, to the Hamiltons. However, by 1985—with their software totally looted and distributed internationally—the Hamiltons found that the Justice Department was withholding more than $7 million in payments due on the contract, forcing INSLAW into insolvency. Then in 1984, Justice abruptly canceled the contract.

While facing bankruptcy and liquidation, the owners of INSLAW were also fighting off hostile takeover attempts waged by CIA asset Earl Brian and various of his allies, including the Wall Street firm of Charles Allen and Company.

In February of 1985 the Hamiltons sought Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in federal court in Washington and also sued the Justice Department for the damages and losses they had suffered. They hired Leigh Ratiner, an attorney with the firm of Dickstein, Shapiro and Morin, to represent them.

In the meantime, Washington attorney Leonard Garment—who represented the Hamiltons’ nemesis, “Dirty Rafi” Eitan, and the interests of Israel in the Pollard spy scandal—popped up in the INSLAW affair. A friend of Eitan’s covert financial benefactor, Deputy Attorney General Burns, Garment was a senior partner of Dickstein, Shapiro and Morin, which abruptly fired Ratiner, the attorney representing the Hamiltons.

The Hamiltons subsequently determined that it was quite likely that Mossad figure Eitan had transferred some $600,000 out of an Israeli slush fund to Garment’s law firm in order to finance the firm’s separation agreement with Ratiner, the Hamiltons’ lawyer.

(During the same time frame, Garment himself is known to have played a part in “fixing” a case against Liberty Lobby, the publisher of The Spotlight, after the populist institution filed suit against The Wall Street Journal for publishing smears of Liberty Lobby, including one written by Garment’s wife. The Spotlight—not coincidentally—was also reporting, in depth, on the burgeoning INSLAW scandal—more about which later.)

Despite their troubles, the Hamiltons won a much-deserved victory. The Justice Department’s conspiracy against INSLAW was so patently obvious and outrageous that in January 1988 federal bankruptcy court Judge George Bason Jr. issued a ruling in favor of the Hamiltons and against the Justice Department.

Bason concluded that the Justice Department had deliberately tried to backrupt INSLAW so that they would be able to grab control of the software and not pay the Hamiltons the money they were due.

Bason’s decision was subsequently upheld, but by this time, he had already been denied reappointment and removed from the bench and replaced by S. Martin Teel, who was no less than the former Justice Department lawyer who was defending Justice against the Hamiltons.

It was after Bason ruled against the Justice Department and in favor of the Hamiltons, saying Teel’s clients/colleagues had stolen the PROMIS software through “trickery, fraud and deceit”, Bason was denied reappointment and Teel was appointed in his place. Bason later charged, in testimony before Congress, that the Justice Department had conspired to force him off the bench in retaliation for his ruling against the department.

A key player in the effort to dislodge Bason in favor of Teel was then-Deputy Attorney General Arnold Burns, a powerful attorney with longstanding ties to the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith. Burns is also a founder of “Nesher”, a quietly influential group of some 300 high-ranking federal officials and bureaucrats who meet informally, bound together by a desire to advance the Zionist cause.

And by no coincidence, as already noted, Burns was one of the Justice Department officials who was working assiduously to liquidate INSLAW in the first place.

Former Judge Bason also raised questions about whether Teel was even professionally qualified for the promotion in light of his extremely limited experience with bankruptcy litigation.

Be that as it may, Teel was given Bason’s judgeship, a reward for helping cover for a corrupt conspiracy involving complicity by assets of both the CIA and Israel’s Mossad.

According to investigative reporters Mark Fricker and Stephen Pizzo, “The INSLAW case had become the judicial kiss of death in Washington, with no judge wanting any part of it. INSLAW’s allegations raised serious questions about corruption and lawlessness within the Department of Justice, and the banning of U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Bason had sent the judiciary a chilling message.” Chief U.S. District Judge Aubrey Robinson in Washington, D.C. said of other judges in relation to the INSLAW affair: “They wouldn’t touch it with a 10-foot pole.”

By this point, the Hamiltons had begun to attract some media attention, thanks in part to the pioneering efforts of independent journalists such as Harry Martin of The Napa (California) Sentinel and The Spotlight and its talk forum, Radio Free America (RFA), hosted by Tom Valentine. Along with former Judge Bason, and computer specialist Michael Riconosciuto (who was associated with Earl Brian in the INSLAW intrigue) Bill and Nancy Hamilton of INSLAW were among the guests who came on RFA to discuss the scandal.

The Hamiltons were now being ably represented by former Attorney General Elliot Richardson (since deceased), who felt great disgust and revulsion at the activities of the officials in the department that he headed for a brief period during the Nixon era.

Alerted to growing public awareness of the affair, then-Rep. Jack Brooks (D-Texas), chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, convened a special inquiry into the INSLAW matter. Brooks found that the Justice Department, under the new attorney general, Dick Thornburgh, constantly stonewalled in an effort to keep the matter under wraps.

Meanwhile, the Justice Department appealed the ruling upholding former Judge Bason’s judgment in favor of INSLAW to the U.S. Court of Appeals which, in May of 1990, fixed things for the department. The appeals court ruled that the Hamiltons’ case should have never been in bankruptcy court in the first place and dismissed their suit, saying essentially that if the Hamiltons wanted to sue the Justice Department they would have to start all over again. The court did not address the actual merits of the complaint—simply ruling that the bankruptcy venue had never been the place to hear the case.

In 1991, under growing congressional pressure, Thornburgh’s successor as attorney general, former CIA official William Barr, appointed retired federal judge Nicholas Bua of Chicago as an internal Department of Justice special counsel to investigate INSLAW, although no one ever truly believed that the Justice Department would ever find itself guilty of anything.

In 1992, after the Hamiltons appealed to the Supreme Court, the court (predictably) upheld the lower court ruling in favor of the Justice Department. In March 1993, to no one’s surprise, former federal Judge Nicholas Bua submitted a special report whitewashing the Justice Department. Finally, in August of 1997 the Court of Federal Claims in Washington, D.C. ruled against the Hamiltons and found—again to no one’s surprise—that the Justice Department was not guilty of any wrongdoing in the INSLAW affair, all of the evidence notwithstanding.

It is worth noting that all throughout the period the INSLAW affair unfolded, a number of people connected to INSLAW and the investigation of the scandal started turning up dead.

• In August of 1991, the best-known INSLAW victim—independent journalist Danny Casolaro—who was working with Bill and Nancy Hamilton of INSLAW, and also collaborating closely with CIA operative and INSLAW conspiracy whistle-blower Michael Riconoscuito, was found dead in a motel room in Martinsburg, West Virginia. Although his death was ruled a “suicide”, the weight of the evidence suggests otherwise. But Casolaro was only the best known of the INSLAW victiims.

• In 1992, San Diego businessman and free-lance intelligence operative Ian Stuart Spiro’s wife and three children were found murdered. Later Spiro was found dead in another location. Although the authorities announced Spiro (who worked for both British and Israeli intelligence) had killed his family and then himself, there are few who believe it.

What is interesting—in light of the multiple Israeli links in the INSLAW affair, is that the retired San Diego County Deputy Sheriff, Tim Carroll, who was brought in as a special “investigator” in the Spiro case, had been the longtime liaison between the sheriff’s office and the Anti Defamation League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith, a conduit for the Mossad.

Not coincidentally, Carroll also helped orchestrate (and participated in) the massive (and thoroughly unwarranted) police raid in 1995 on the home of Willis A. Carto, the publisher of The Spotlight. This raid was part of a high-level conspiracy (with multiple Mossad connections) which ultimately succeeded in destroying the weekly which, at the time, was the one major independent national publication exposing the INSLAW affair.

A Mexican gardener who was an apparent witness to the Spiro murders was also later murdered.

• Reporter Anson Ng of the London-based Financial Times was working with Casolaro investigating ties between INSLAW and money laundering connected to the Israeli-instigated Iran contra affair. Found dead in Guatemala in July of 1991, Ng had a single bullet wound in his chest. Authorities ruled the case a suicide. Others say it was murder.

• Dennis Eisman, attorney for INSLAW whistle-blower Michael Riconosciuto, was also found with a gunshot wound in his chest. That, too, was ruled a suicide, yet another convenient death.

• In March of 1990, British journalist Jonathan Moyle, who was investigating an INSLAW figure in Chile was found hanging in his hotel wardrobe in Santiago. Again, said to be “suicide”.

• Defense analyst Alan D. Standorf. His body was found at Washington National Airport on the floor of a car beneath luggage. He worked at a secret military listening post in suburban Virginia.

• Former Nixon aide Michael Allen May died four days after The Napa Sentinel reported his connections to the so-called “October Surprise” scandal which also implicated INSLAW conspirator Earl Brian. An autopsy said May had pharmaceutical drugs in his system.

• Engineer Barry Kumnick disappeared after inventing a new computer program that could project the thoughts and characteristics of criminal or military individuals and predict behavior or movement. Kumnick’s system was designed to work with the PROMIS software developed by INSLAW. Just another convenient death in a string of many.

Evidence unearthed by INSLAW’s attorney, Elliot Richardson, points toward who was most likely responsible for this series of murders and this secret underlies the Zionist connections of the INSLAW affair.

The fact is that Richardson and the Hamiltons discovered that the Justice Department’s “Nazi-hunting” Office of Special Investigations (OSI) was being deployed as the base of a top-secret covert operations unit of the Justice Department and that it was the OSI that was actually responsible for the theft of INSLAW’s PROMIS software. In a brief dated Feb. 14, 1994 INSLAW’s attorney, former U.S. Attorney General Richardson, made the following shocking charges:

The Nazi war criminal program is … a front for the Justice Department’s own covert intelligence service, according to disclosures recently made to INSLAW by several senior Justice Department career officials.

One undeclared mission of this covert intelligence service has been the illegal dissemination of the proprietary version of PROMIS, according to information from reliable sources with ties to the U.S. intelligence community.

INSLAW has, moreover, obtained a copy of a 27-page Justice Department computer printout labeled “Criminal Division Vendor List”. That list is actually a list of the commercial organizations and individuals who serve as “cutouts” for this secret Justice Department intelligence agency….

The Justice Department’s secret intelligence agency also has its own “proprietary” company that employs scores of agents of diverse nationalities, as well as individuals who appear to be regular employees of various departments and agencies of the U.S. government or members of the U.S. armed forces, according to several sources.

Richardson’s brief also made the stunning suggestion that evidence suggests INSLAW investigator Danny Casolaro was murdered by this – secret Justice Department unit inside the OSI.

Since it is no secret that the OSI has worked closely for years with Israel’s intelligence service, a logical conclusion can be drawn that the OSI and the secret Justice Department unit inside the OSI itself are effectively acting as assets of the Mossad.

The ramifications are immense, particularly since it was the Justice Department itself, and key operatives of the Justice Department—including one who was later promoted to a federal bankruptcy judgeship—who were enabling this Zionist conspiracy (and there’s no other word for it) to take place.

In fact, the bankruptcy judge in question, S. Martin Teel—not known to be Jewish himself— was solely responsible for shutting down The Spotlight, the one independent national weekly newspaper that had been exposing the INSLAW affair from practically the beginning.

On June 27, 2001, Teel—then presiding over a bankruptcy case filed by The Spotlight’s publisher, Liberty Lobby, exercised his arbitrary power and ordered the populist weekly to cease publishing, destroying the once vibrant weekly newspaper.

Although Teel was the sole bankruptcy court judge sitting in the Washington, D.C. jurisdiction, he should never have been allowed to hear Liberty Lobby’s federal bankruptcy in the first place. He clearly had an egregious conflict of interest and a very real axe to grind against the populist institution and its weekly newspaper. So it was that not only was the INSLAW corporation brought to its knees, but likewise The Spotlight, which, like INSLAW, had fallen victim to the pernicious intrigues of Israel’s Mossad and its allies in Washington.

All of this is not to suggest, of course, that all corruption can be traced exclusively to Jewish sources—far from it! But the fact is that Jewish corruption (in high places, and affecting the American political process) has existed in our history, but the media and the history books have played a major part in suppressing public awareness of it.

The roots of the INSLAW affair do indeed point toward the immense power of the Zionist movement, demonstrating that even the courts and the system of so-called “justice” in the United States are fully in the hands of Those Who Reign Supreme in America, The New Jerusalem. Considering this, it is thus appropriate to take a look at some of the more prominent and powerful

Jewish families in America, particularly those which have a significant influence on the American media and who thereby have the power to shape public perception about both history and current events and—as a consequence—direct the course of the American political process. So let us proceed.

Le pouvoir sioniste aux États-Unis (extrait de The New Jerusalem, M.C.Piper)

Trump, façade des intérêts Rothschild

Chapitre Un de The New Jerusalem

Michael Collins Piper contre la mafia juive

Michael Collins Piper et la très significative connexion juive dans l’affaire Enron

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